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“Happiness is the meaning and purpose of life, the whole aim and end of human existence.”-Aristotle “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”.

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What is happiness? The term happiness captures a huge variety of positive emotional responses, including such things as cheerfulness, serenity, optimism, and joy. Throughout history, philosophers, religious writers and poets have pondered on the meaning of happiness and how it might be achieved. Gratitude journal, after a few weeks your level of happiness will increase. Read below for a step-by-step guide on how to keep a journal: a) A few days a week, at the end of the day, take a moment to write down 3-5 things for which you are grateful. Examples could include positive events that happened to you that day (e.g.

Is It Possible to Become Happier?

p. 14 *Different cultures have different beliefs about the importance of happiness. People in some cultures, like Russia, are less likely to believe that happiness is a reasonable, desirable, or attainable goal to pursue.

p. 14 Most of us aren’t flourishing. Nationally representative samples of U.S. adults indicate that slightly more than half of us (54%) are “moderately mentally healthy yet not flourishing – that is, we lack great enthusiasm for life and are not actively and productively engaged with the world.

pp. 20-22 *Studies show that 50% of individual differences in happiness are determined by genes, 10% by life circumstances, and 40% by our intentional activities. [But click here for two slides from Lyubomirsky’s 2019 Melbourne talk on revisiting this pie chart.]

p. 21 Rich people aren’t as happy as we’d expect. The richest Americans, those earning more than 10 million dollars annually, report levels of personal happiness only slightly greater than the office staffs and blue-collar workers they employ.

p. 21 Marriage doesn’t make us as happy as we think. Although married people are happier than single ones, the effect of marriage on personal happiness is actually quite small; for example, in 16 countries, 25% of married people and 21% of singles described themselves as “very happy.”

p. 25 Happy people accrue more money. One example of such a “happiness benefit” is that those who are happy as college freshmen have higher salaries 16 years later (when they are in their mid-30s) without an initial wealth advantage.

p. 25 Happy people find (good) marriage partners. Another example of such a “happiness benefit” is that women who express sincere joy in their college yearbook photos are relatively more likely to be married by age 27 and more likely to have satisfying marriages at age 52.

How Happy Are You and Why?

p. 45 Money brings problems to the very rich. In a study of 792 well-off adults, more than half reported that wealth didn’t bring them more happiness, and a third of those with assets greater than $10 million said that money bought more problems than it solved.

p. 47 Happy people think they’re better looking than they are. Happier people rate themselves as more attractive than do their less happy peers, but objective judges cannot tell the difference.

Youtube playlist downloader serial key free. p. 49 Happiness effects of marriage wear off in 2 years. In a landmark study, 25,000 residents of West Germany and East Germany, including citizens, immigrants, and foreigners, were surveyed every year for 15 years. Over the course of the study, 1,761 individuals got married and stayed married. The results showed that marriage led to only a 2-year boost in happiness.

pp. 63-64 Our happiness peaks at age 65. A 22-year study of about 2,000 healthy veterans of World War II and the Korean War revealed that life satisfaction increased over the course of these men’s lives, peaked at age 65, and didn’t start significantly declining until age 75.

Practicing Gratitude and Positive Thinking

p. 93 In the days after 9/11, gratitude and sympathy were the most common emotions. In the days immediately after September 11, 2001, gratitude was found to be the second most commonly experienced emotion (after sympathy).

p. 112 *Overthinking (i.e., rumination) ushers in a host of adverse consequences: It sustains or worsens sadness, fosters negatively-biased thinking, impairs a person’s ability to solve problems, saps motivation, and interferes with concentration and initiative.

pp. 117-18 *Happy people care less about others’ successes. Happy people are less affected by unfavorable social comparisons (e.g., observing a peer who is worse off) than unhappy ones.

Investing in Social Connections

p. 143 Satisfied and stable couples are relatively more likely to idealize each other.

p. 144 The key to a happy marriage is to respond appropriately to our partner’s successes. What distinguishes good and poor relationships is not how the partners respond to each other’s disappointments and reversals but how they respond to good news.

pp. 148-9 Hugs make people happier. Students at Penn State who were instructed to give or receive a minimum of five hugs per day over the course of four weeks and to record the details became much happier. Students who merely recorded their reading activity showed no changes.

Living in the Present

p. 195 Reminiscing benefits older people. The more time older adults spend reminiscing, the more positive affect and higher morale they report.

pp. 196-7 *The practice of repetitively replaying your happiest life events serves to prolong and reinforce positive emotions and make you happier, whereas systematically analyzing your happiest life events has the reverse effect.

p. 198 People high in mindfulness – that is, those who are prone to be mindfully attentive to the here and now and keenly aware of their surroundings – are models of flourishing and positive mental health.

p. 202 Studies have shown that nostalgic experiences spawn positive feelings, reinforce our sense of being loved and protected, and even boost our self-esteem.

Taking Care of Your Body and Your Soul

p. 228 Religious people are happier, healthier, and cope better with trauma.

p. 244 Exercise lifts depression just as well as medication. Four months of aerobic exercise has been found to be just as effective at treating depression as four months of Zoloft, or as a combination of exercise and Zoloft.

p. 248 Half of us feel worse, not better, when we exercise. In one study, participants were asked to cycle at 60% of their maximum heart rate. Over the course of 30 minutes, half the participants reported feeling progressively better, and half claimed to feel progressively worse.

pp. 252-53 Botox lifts hard-core depression. Ten clinically depressed women whose depressions had not responded to treatment by either drugs or psychotherapy were administered Botox to their frown lines. Two months later, 9 out of the 10 participants were no longer depressed, and the tenth had much improved.

The Hows Behind Sustainable Happiness

pp. 272-73 Friends triple our chances for keeping weight off. Participants undertook a 4-month-long weight loss program involving diet, exercise, and behavioral changes. Of those who embarked on the program alone, 76% completed it and 24% maintained their weight losses in full for an entire 6 months. In contrast, of those who engaged in the weight loss program with three acquaintances, friends, or family members, 95% completed it and 66% maintained their weight losses in full.

p. 277 It’s maladaptive to be too happy.

pp. 279-80 Contrary to popular belief, most people who repeatedly try to kick habits are successful. Schachter found a 63% success rate for self-cure of smoking and obesity, and Klem et al. found that 43% of people who had kept off 30 pounds for at least 5 years reported that maintaining the weight was easier than losing it.

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Distinguished Professor and Vice Chair, University of California, Riverside

Ph.D. Stanford University, 1994

(951) 827-5041 (msg only)

sonja.lyubomirsky[at]ucr.edu

The majority of my research career has been devoted to studying human happiness. Why is the scientific study of happiness important? In short, because most people believe that happiness is meaningful, desirable, and an important, worthy goal, because happiness is one of the most salient and significant dimensions of human experience and emotional life, because happiness yields numerous rewards for the individual, and because it makes for a better, healthier, stronger society. Along these lines, my current research addresses three critical questions: 1) What makes people happy?; 2) Is happiness a good thing?; and 3) How and why can people learn to lead happier and more flourishing lives?

Why Are Some People Happier Than Others?
I have always been struck by the capacity of some individuals to be remarkably happy, even in the face of stress, trauma, or adversity. Thus, my earlier research efforts had focused on trying to understand why some people are happier than others (for a review and theoretical framework, see Lyubomirsky, 2001). To this end, my approach had been to explore the cognitive and motivational processes that distinguish individuals who show exceptionally high and low levels of happiness. These processes include social comparison (how people compare themselves to peers), dissonance reduction (how people justify both trivial and important choices in their lives), self-evaluation (how people judge themselves), person perception (how people think about others), and dwelling or rumination. My students and I have found that truly happy individuals construe life events and daily situations in ways that seem to maintain their happiness, while unhappy individuals construe experiences in ways that seem to reinforce unhappiness (e.g., Liberman, Boehm, Lyubomirsky, & Ross, 2009; Lyubomirsky, Layous, Chancellor, & Nelson, 2015; Lyubomirsky & Ross, 1997, 1999).

To cast our work on happiness in a broader framework, we have also been exploring the meaning, expression, and pursuit of happiness across cultures, subcultures, and age groups. For example, despite media reports, we have found that parents actually experience more happiness and meaning than do non-parents–both when evaluating their lives as a whole, when going about their days, and when caring for their children (versus doing other activities; Nelson, Kushlev, English, Dunn, & Lyubomirsky, 2013). Of course, parents’ happiness is impacted by myriad factors, including their age and SES and their children’s ages and temperaments (Nelson, Killingsworth, Layous, Cole, & Lyubomirsky, in press; Nelson, Kushlev, & Lyubomirsky, 2014). Furthermore, we have carried out happiness-increasing interventions among Japanese engineers, Korean and Hong Kong undergraduates, Spanish, French, and German professionals, Canadian elementary school students, and British and U.S. teens.

What Are the Benefits of Happiness?
Is happiness a good thing? Or, does it just simply feel good? A review of all the available literature has revealed that happiness does indeed have numerous positive byproducts, which appear to benefit not only individuals, but families, communities, and the society at large (Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005). The benefits of happiness include higher income and superior work outcomes (e.g., greater productivity and higher quality of work), larger social rewards (e.g., more satisfying and longer marriages, more friends, stronger social support, and richer social interactions), more activity, energy, and flow, and better physical health (e.g., a bolstered immune system, lowered stress levels, and less pain) and even longer life. The literature, my colleagues and I have found, also suggests that happy individuals are more creative, helpful, charitable, and self-confident, have better self-control, and show greater self-regulatory and coping abilities. On-going and future experimental and longitudinal studies that attempt to increase the long-term happiness of students and working adults are giving us the opportunity to assess whether increases in durable happiness predict changes in other positive outcomes, such as altruistic behavior, creativity, work performance, physical health, and social relationships. We are investigating whether both happiness and generosity propagate across social networks (funded by the Notre Dame Science of Generosity Initiative), and whether happiness is associated with more physical movement and greater social interactions (funded by Hitachi’s Central Research Laboratory). For example, we found that 9- to 11-year old kids who practiced acts of kindness not only got happier but became more popular with their peers (Layous et al., 2012). And an exciting, recent experiment showed that doing acts of kindness for others (versus kindness for the world or themselves or doing something neutral) leads to changes in immune cell gene expression associated with disease resistance (Nelson et al., 2017). We are also currently using new technologies, including ambulatory, sociometric, psychophysiological, smartphone, and EEG methodologies, to assess happiness and the effects of positive activities (e.g., Chancellor, Layous, & Lyubomirsky, 2015; Parks, Della Porta, Pierce, Zilca, & Lyubomirsky, 2012; Yetton, Revord, Margolis, Lyubomirsky, & Seitz, in press).

Finally, a separate line of research, supported by the John Templeton Foundation, focuses on the strength of humility — that is, how to measure it; what are its antecedents, causes, and consequences for individuals and organizations; and, perhaps most important, how people can develop it (e.g., Kruse, Chancellor, Ruberton, & Lyubomirsky, 2014; Ruberton, Kruse, & Lyubomirsky, in press). We have been successful, for example, in inducing humble feelings via manipulations of gratitude, awe, and self-affirmation.

The Architecture of Sustainable Happiness
A vibrant and continuing program of research is asking the question, “How can happiness be reliably increased?” (for reviews, see Layous & Lyubomirsky, 2014; Lyubomirsky, 2008; Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013; Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005; Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Despite pessimism from the current literature that the pursuit of happiness may be largely futile, my colleagues and I believe that durable increases in happiness are indeed possible and within the average person’s reach. Thus, following my construal theory of happiness, I am exploring how the thoughts and behaviors that characterize naturally happy people (i.e., “happy habits”) can be nurtured, acquired, or directly taught. To this end, my students’ and my current research is testing predictions from our positive activity model (Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013) —specifically, investigating the mechanisms underlying the efficacy of simple intentional effortful activities (which we call “positive activities”) to boost well-being, as well as the conditions under which such activities might backfire (Fritz & Lyubomirsky, 2018).

To this end, we have conducted multiple experimental intervention studies in which participants’ cognitive and behavioral strategies are systematically retrained. For example, intervention studies with students, kids, community members, workers, depressed individuals, and hospital patients are testing the efficacy of five cognitive and behavioral volitional strategies: 1) regularly setting aside time to recall moments of gratitude (i.e., keeping a journal in which one “counts one’s blessings” or writing gratitude letters), 2) engaging in self-regulatory and positive thinking about oneself (i.e., reflecting, writing, and talking about one’s happiest and unhappiest life events or one’s goals for the future), 3) practicing altruism and kindness (i.e., routinely committing acts of kindness or trying to make a loved one happy), 4) affirming one’s most important values, and 5) savoring positive experiences (e.g., using one’s five senses to relish daily moments or living this month like it’s one’s last in a particular location). Most important, we are testing our positive activity model by exploring whether the benefits of such activities differ across cultures (see above), and whether their success is moderated by such factors as person-activity “fit,” motivation, effort, social support, variety, dosage, personality, culture, age, and expectations (e.g., Boehm, Lyubomirsky, & Sheldon, 2011; Layous, Lee, Choi, & Lyubomirsky, 2103; Lyubomirsky, Dickerhoof, Boehm, & Sheldon, 2011; Lyubomirsky, Sousa, & Dickerhoof, 2006; Margolis & Lyubomirsky, in press; Nelson et al., 2015; Nelson, Fuller, Choi, & Lyubomirsky, 2014; Nelson, Layous, Cole, & Lyubomirsky, 2016; Sheldon et al., 2010; Sheldon, Boehm, & Lyubomirsky, 2012; Sin, Della Porta, & Lyubomirsky, 2011).

We are also examining the “why” of happiness-boosting interventions by testing the mediating role of positive events, positive thoughts, positive emotions, and need satisfaction. Recently, we have become interested in the conditions under which positive activities can feel unpleasant or even backfire (Fritz & Lyubomirsky, 2018; Layous et al., 2017). Finally, we are investigating genetic and environmental influences on individual differences in responses to happiness-increasing interventions (Haworth et al., in press), and considering how such interventions might protect people from mental health conditions (e.g., Layous, Chancellor, & Lyubomirsky, 2014) and influence biological processes (Nelson-Coffey, Fritz, Lyubomirsky, & Cole, 2017).

Thwarting Hedonic Adaptation
Finally, a line of research focuses on hedonic adaptation to positive experience as a critical barrier to raising happiness (Bao & Lyubomirsky, 2013; Lyubomirsky, 2010; Sheldon et al., 2012; Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2012). After all, if people become accustomed to (and take for granted) anything positive that happens to them, then how can they ever become happier? Our model suggests that adaptation to positive experience proceeds via two paths: 1) through diminished positive emotions and 2) through increased aspirations. The key to achieving increased and lasting well-being thereby lies in effortful, intentional activities that slow down or preclude the positive adaptation process. Our hypothesis is that such activities share several properties that potentially help them to effectively forestall adaptation: they are dynamic, episodic, novel, and attention-enticing. We are presently applying our model to understand what produces materialism and consumerism, and how to design interventions that significantly depress people’s aspirations and bolster their humility, thereby allowing them to step off the hedonic treadmill and become more thrifty (e.g., Chancellor & Lyubomirsky, 2011, 2013).

Selected Publications (click here for complete list)

• Lyubomirsky, S. (2013). The myths of happiness: What should make you happy, but doesn’t, what shouldn’t make you happy, but does. New York: Penguin Press. Visit the book’s website. Download the book’s full set of references.

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• Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). The how of happiness: A scientific approach to getting the life you want. New York: Penguin Press. Visit the book’s website. Download the book’s references.
• Nelson-Coffey, S. K., Fritz, M. M., Lyubomirsky, S., & Cole, S. W. (2017). Kindness in the blood: The gene regulatory impact of prosocial behavior. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 81, 8-13.
• Margolis, S., & Lyubomirsky, S. (in press). Experimental manipulation of extraverted and introverted behavior and its effects on well-being. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General.

• Layous, K., Sweeny, K., Armenta, C., Na, S., Choi, I., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2017). The proximal experience of gratitude. PLOS ONE, 12(7): e0179123.

• Fritz, M. M., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2018). Whither happiness? When, how, and why might positive activities undermine well-being. In J. P. Forgas & R. F. Baumeister (Eds.), The social psychology of living well (pp. 101-115). New York: Psychology Press.

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• Nelson, S. K., Kushlev, K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2014). The pains and pleasures of parenting: When, why, and how is parenthood associated with more or less well-being?Psychological Bulletin, 140, 846-895.

• Lyubomirsky, S., Layous, K., Chancellor, J., & Nelson, S. K. (2015). Thinking about rumination: The scholarly contributions and intellectual legacy of Susan Nolen-Hoeksema. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 11, 1-22.

• Kruse, E., Chancellor, J., Ruberton, P. M., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2014). An upward spiral between gratitude and humility. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 5, 805-814.

• Layous, K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2014). The how, why, what, when, and who of happiness: Mechanisms underlying the success of positive interventions. In J. Gruber & J. Moscowitz (Eds.), Positive emotion: Integrating the light sides and dark sides (pp. 473-495). New York: Oxford University Press.

• Nelson, S. K., Kushlev, K., English, T., Dunn, E. W., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2013). In defense of parenthood: Children are associated with more joy than misery. Psychological Science, 3-10.

• Lyubomirsky, S., & Layous, K. (2013).How do simple positive activities increase well-being? Current Directions in Psychological Science, 22, 57-62.

• Layous, K., Nelson, S. K., Oberle, E., Schonert-Reichl, K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2012). Kindness counts: Prompting prosocial behavior in preadolescents boosts peer acceptance and well-being.PLOS ONE, 7, e51380.

• Layous, K., Chancellor, J., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2014). Positive activities as protective factors against mental health conditions. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 123, 3-12.

• Lyubomirsky, S., Dickerhoof, R., Boehm, J. K., & Sheldon, K. M. (2011). Becoming happier takes both a will and a proper way: An experimental longitudinal intervention to boost well-being.Emotion, 11, 391-402.

• Layous, K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2014). The how, why, what, when, and who of happiness: Mechanisms underlying the success of positive interventions. In J. Gruber & J. Moscowitz (Eds.), Positive emotion: Integrating the light sides and dark sides (pp. 473-495). New York: Oxford University Press.

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• Lyubomirsky, S., King, L. A., & Diener, E. (2005). The benefits of frequent positive affect. Psychological Bulletin, 131, 803-855.

• Lyubomirsky, S., Sousa, L., Dickerhoof, R. (2006). The costs and benefits of writing, talking, and thinking about life’s triumphs and defeats. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 692-708.

• Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination.Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3, 400-424.

• Lyubomirsky, S. (201o). Hedonic adaptation to positive and negative experiences (pp. 200-224). In S. Folkman (Ed.), Oxford handbook of stress, health, and coping. New York: Oxford University Press.

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• Sin, N. L., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2009). Enhancing well-being and alleviating depressive symptoms with positive psychology interventions: A practice-friendly meta-analysis. Journal of Clinical Psychology: In Session, 65,467-487.